Many Mexicans believe that on July 1, freely and massively, they elected a president, governors, congressmen, senators... They know that there were problems and that the idyllic version of the process outlined by Calderón, IFE [Federal Election Institute] or PRI bears little relation to reality. But whether one likes the outcome or not, they think that we should look forward and not waste time on confrontations that can lead to violence and chaos.
Many others who pushed for change want to submit the institutions to the final acid test. They think that the legal struggle and social protest can get the Trife [Federal Election Tribunal] to annul the election, which would not only be legal and just, but would represent an extraordinary opportunity for political change. They cling to this possibility in order to reduce their current frustration and because they cannot escape the framework of institutions. Like the first group, they cannot think outside the [institutional framework].
Meanwhile, a different approach is rapidly spreading, which--with ingenuity and clarity--is breaking down the oil slick of cynicism, shamelessness and threats that are aimed to calm the stormy sea of general indignation.
Those who adopt this attitude accept that it would be worthwhile to try the new way to nullify the election, even if one must pay the high cost of supporting another year of campaigns and of renewing public confidence in decadent institutions. But they do not believe that it may be possible. So they dedicate themselves to exploring options.
A new image begins to raise the energy level. If a building falls after an earthquake, no one would begin reconstruction with the roof; first the land must be cleared and then the foundations repaired. To rebuild the shattered country, in a state of emergency, we must focus ourselves on the social soil and rely on the ordinary people who live there, not on leaders, ideologies, vanguards or parties. Only ordinary men and women in communities, neighborhoods and districts can restore the social fabric and begin the work of regeneration. When the time is right, they will take care of building the new roof. So it has always been after a disaster ... and when it comes to change a regime.
For this growing group, July 1 tore the last veil from the "democratic institutions". It became clear that they only serve to try to disguise the despotic character of the regime. It seems ridiculous to continue discussing their colors or supposed remedies when the system's operators are now putting pressure to close the cycle and accelerate implementation of the disastrous agenda that they have undertaken: to deliver the remainder of the country to privatization and deepen the violence and intimidation in order to facilitate this delivery and subdue the discontent. In addition to their hired political thugs, paramilitaries and mafia organizations, they believe they have a strong social base.
Those who believe that the Leninist conviction is obsolete--that the important thing is to "take power" by conquering the State apparatus through legal channels or piece by piece or by force--are concentrating on dismantling the [State apparatus]. Rather than seeking power from above, by any means, they are structuring and organizing power from below. Instead of persisting in the fantasy of democratizing the liberal democracy or softening the democratic despotism with greater citizen participation, they are creating real democracy where the people are. This alternative cannot hang on programs envisioned by leaders, but is built from the bottom up as a national plan of struggle.
So, perhaps, they discredit those making big plans to "prevent the imposition". Grandiloquent speeches with supposedly radical rhetoric stifle the voices of those presenting this alternate vision. But these voices are truly radical and in them one finds hope. They will not be governed by those from above, whoever they may be.
A few days ago Stephane Grueso summarized the equivalent movement in Spain in terms that may be very useful here:
A few days ago Stephane Grueso summarized the equivalent movement in Spain in terms that may be very useful here:
"We say this is a popular revolution. We are the people. We are not a party. We are not a union. We are not an association. We are not indignados [outraged, Spanish protest movement]. We are not angry. We are the people. We are everywhere. Here in Madrid, every weekend there are 104 neighborhood assemblies. In each of the assemblies, there are five to 15 people who gather to talk politics on a large scale, to achieve peace in the world, but also small-scale politics: what problems do we face in our neighborhood. This happens every week and this is the 15-M. We are connected and work together in Spain and with other countries. We're doing things, we have not slowed down. We are not so visible now, but we continue working and we will show up on the streets."Spanish original