CIDAC*: Political Analysis - Week of February 17, 2016
Translated by Nina Shield
It is undeniable that a widespread threat is currently jeopardizing freedom of the press in Mexico, and that it has positioned the country as one of the most dangerous places in the world to practice the profession. On February 10, the murder of Veracruz reporter Anabel Flores Salazar, who had been kidnapped the day before in the town of Mariano Escobedo, Veracruz, was confirmed.
It is undeniable that a widespread threat is currently jeopardizing freedom of the press in Mexico, and that it has positioned the country as one of the most dangerous places in the world to practice the profession. On February 10, the murder of Veracruz reporter Anabel Flores Salazar, who had been kidnapped the day before in the town of Mariano Escobedo, Veracruz, was confirmed.
According to Reporters Without Borders, Flores Salazar was the third Mexican journalist to be killed because of her work this year. Her murder was preceded by those of Marcos Hernández and Reinel Martínez, on January 21 and 22, respectively. The implications are far from minor, as this assault on journalism jeopardizes the strengthening of democracy in the country. Furthermore, the outlook is not encouraging if we consider the poor performance of existing protections and the ongoing problems of insecurity and impunity in the country.
Decline of Press Freedom
According to the Press Freedom Index 2015, Mexico ranks 148th out of 180 countries and is the worst in Latin America for journalism, followed by Venezuela, Colombia, Guatemala, and Honduras. Mexico has been among the lowest-ranked countries on the Index since 2005, when it was first grouped among the worst offenders (see Figure 1). Various pressures on the media and journalism come anywhere from businesses with political agendas and advertisers seeking positive coverage, to government interests seeking to manipulate or censor content across different media. The biggest threat to journalists, however, stems from violence related to organized crime and corruption in government institutions themselves.
On one side, criminals are trying to silence journalistic reporting to hide their illegal activities and call the least amount of attention from the government. On the other, the authorities—politicians, secretaries, legislators, and governors—are attempting to prevent their vices, errors, and even crimes from coming to light and facing public scrutiny. Thus it is no coincidence that in 66% of the cases analyzed by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the prime suspect is organized crime, followed by civil authorities at 11%, and members of the armed forces at 9%.
Decline of Press Freedom
According to the Press Freedom Index 2015, Mexico ranks 148th out of 180 countries and is the worst in Latin America for journalism, followed by Venezuela, Colombia, Guatemala, and Honduras. Mexico has been among the lowest-ranked countries on the Index since 2005, when it was first grouped among the worst offenders (see Figure 1). Various pressures on the media and journalism come anywhere from businesses with political agendas and advertisers seeking positive coverage, to government interests seeking to manipulate or censor content across different media. The biggest threat to journalists, however, stems from violence related to organized crime and corruption in government institutions themselves.
On one side, criminals are trying to silence journalistic reporting to hide their illegal activities and call the least amount of attention from the government. On the other, the authorities—politicians, secretaries, legislators, and governors—are attempting to prevent their vices, errors, and even crimes from coming to light and facing public scrutiny. Thus it is no coincidence that in 66% of the cases analyzed by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the prime suspect is organized crime, followed by civil authorities at 11%, and members of the armed forces at 9%.
Furthermore, in murder cases for which the CPJ has managed to confirm that journalistic work was the primary motive, 77% of the victims were covering crime-related issues, 29% related to corruption, and 23% to politics.[1] This makes clear that the problem of insecurity as it specifically concerns journalists creates a violent situation that, if left unaddressed, threatens freedom of the press in this country.
Related texts:
Figure 1: Position of Mexico Since 2002 on Press Freedom Index
Source: World Press Freedom Index 2015
National Perspective
While the national situation is serious, a breakdown by state reveals "hotspots" where the number of murders of journalists is considerably greater than in other states. According to the CPJ's records, between 2006 and 2015, four out of ten confirmed murders of journalists occurred in Oaxaca and Veracruz (see chart, below [Spanish original]). It is important to note that the category of "confirmed" murders refers to cases in which the evidence shows that the motive was related to the victims' work as journalists.
The magnitude of the threat to journalism in Veracruz is undeniable if we consider that under the administration of Governor Javier Duarte, 18 journalists went missing or were murdered and, in 2015 alone, records show 66 assaults against the press. Most worrisome is that local authorities are the main source of threats, abductions, and murders. Remember the case of José Moisés Sánchez, who was allegedly killed by the mayor of the town of Medellín because he had dedicated himself to exposing the corruption of local authorities and inadequate public services in the state. Despite the breadth of these crimes, however, the local authorities have been unable to solve them and disclose the level of participation of mayors, police, and other politicians. This has perpetuated the cycle of impunity that prevails in the state.
As the above figures show, the menace to the press and journalism in Mexico is a reality, and unfortunately the state has been unable to ensure better conditions for this field of work. So far, the results of the Law for Protection of People Defending Human Rights and Journalists—which includes resources for collaboration between the federal and state governments to prevent and protect such crimes—have been meager. The resources include the Mechanism for Protection of People Defending Human Rights and Journalists, which was created in June, 2012.[2]
While the national situation is serious, a breakdown by state reveals "hotspots" where the number of murders of journalists is considerably greater than in other states. According to the CPJ's records, between 2006 and 2015, four out of ten confirmed murders of journalists occurred in Oaxaca and Veracruz (see chart, below [Spanish original]). It is important to note that the category of "confirmed" murders refers to cases in which the evidence shows that the motive was related to the victims' work as journalists.
The magnitude of the threat to journalism in Veracruz is undeniable if we consider that under the administration of Governor Javier Duarte, 18 journalists went missing or were murdered and, in 2015 alone, records show 66 assaults against the press. Most worrisome is that local authorities are the main source of threats, abductions, and murders. Remember the case of José Moisés Sánchez, who was allegedly killed by the mayor of the town of Medellín because he had dedicated himself to exposing the corruption of local authorities and inadequate public services in the state. Despite the breadth of these crimes, however, the local authorities have been unable to solve them and disclose the level of participation of mayors, police, and other politicians. This has perpetuated the cycle of impunity that prevails in the state.
Journalists Killed per Entity, 2006-2015, CPJ
|
||
Entity
|
Relation to Work
Confirmed
|
Relation to Work
Unconfirmed
|
Veracruz
|
5
|
8
|
Guerrero
|
1
|
8
|
Oaxaca
|
4
|
3
|
Chihuahua
|
3
|
3
|
Michoacán
|
3
|
5
|
Tamaulipas
|
2
|
|
Tabasco
|
2
|
|
Durango
|
2
|
|
Sinoloa
|
2
|
|
Nuevo León
|
1
|
1
|
Mexico City
|
1
|
1
|
Coahuila
|
1
|
1
|
Puebla
|
1
|
|
Sonora
|
1
|
|
Quintana Roo
|
1
|
|
Nayarit
|
1
|
|
Jalisco
|
1
|
|
State Response Inadequate
As the above figures show, the menace to the press and journalism in Mexico is a reality, and unfortunately the state has been unable to ensure better conditions for this field of work. So far, the results of the Law for Protection of People Defending Human Rights and Journalists—which includes resources for collaboration between the federal and state governments to prevent and protect such crimes—have been meager. The resources include the Mechanism for Protection of People Defending Human Rights and Journalists, which was created in June, 2012.[2]
The Mechanism has been inefficient, characterized by a lack of political backing, financing, and interest in activating the tools that could prevent attacks against journalists and their defenders. One of the Mechanism's instruments has to do with the provision of panic buttons that would send an alert to the authorities to speed up their response to threats against journalists. In the majority of cases in which they've been used, however, the buttons have failed. In this regard, the Mechanism established by the law has fallen short, and its warning and rescue systems have been unable to guarantee the exercise of freedom of expression, integrity, and life for those who use them.
Finally, despite the amendment to Article 73 of the Constitution that empowers the Attorney General to investigate crimes against journalists, and the obligation of local prosecutors to solve crimes, 91% of homicides go unpunished. While the existence of these mechanisms is appropriate, their reach has often been overestimated. The chance of them making a significant impact on the problem is limited by a lack of human and financial resources, and because they have not been accompanied by other measures aimed at combating the problems of insecurity and impunity that characterize the country.[3]
The free and safe exercise of journalism is a prerequisite for the existence of a democracy. Journalism is a pillar for determining the quality of political participation, because it strengthens the bond between a government and its citizens. In a country like Mexico, where the institutional channels of access to public information are nascent and limited, journalism is essential to add to the public conversation a number of issues ignored by the government agenda and traditional media. The greatest risk of the current situation is that, if not corrected, there will be increasingly fewer conditions necessary for the existence of free journalism in the country and, therefore, the possibility of building a truly democratic state.
Authors: Carlos De la Rosa, Roberto Gómez, Ximena López, Mireya Moreno, Jorge Ramírez, and Rafael Vega
Coordinator: Mariana Meza
Editor: Patricio Toussaint
[1] Percentages can total more than 100%, because in some cases more than one category applies.
[2] The Mechanism refers to the agreements of cooperation between the Federation and the Federal Entities [31 states and Mexico City] for implementing and operating the Measures of Precaution, Preventative Measures and Urgent Measure of Protection that guarantee life, integrity and security of persons who exercise freed of expression and journalism.
[3] Soto, G. (2015). "Mechanisms of protection for journalists: defeat in order to guarantee freedom of translation" [transl.] (“Los mecanismos de protección a periodistas: la derrota para garantizar la libertad de expresión”) in Artículo 19's blog in Animal Político.
Finally, despite the amendment to Article 73 of the Constitution that empowers the Attorney General to investigate crimes against journalists, and the obligation of local prosecutors to solve crimes, 91% of homicides go unpunished. While the existence of these mechanisms is appropriate, their reach has often been overestimated. The chance of them making a significant impact on the problem is limited by a lack of human and financial resources, and because they have not been accompanied by other measures aimed at combating the problems of insecurity and impunity that characterize the country.[3]
The free and safe exercise of journalism is a prerequisite for the existence of a democracy. Journalism is a pillar for determining the quality of political participation, because it strengthens the bond between a government and its citizens. In a country like Mexico, where the institutional channels of access to public information are nascent and limited, journalism is essential to add to the public conversation a number of issues ignored by the government agenda and traditional media. The greatest risk of the current situation is that, if not corrected, there will be increasingly fewer conditions necessary for the existence of free journalism in the country and, therefore, the possibility of building a truly democratic state.
Authors: Carlos De la Rosa, Roberto Gómez, Ximena López, Mireya Moreno, Jorge Ramírez, and Rafael Vega
Coordinator: Mariana Meza
Editor: Patricio Toussaint
[1] Percentages can total more than 100%, because in some cases more than one category applies.
[2] The Mechanism refers to the agreements of cooperation between the Federation and the Federal Entities [31 states and Mexico City] for implementing and operating the Measures of Precaution, Preventative Measures and Urgent Measure of Protection that guarantee life, integrity and security of persons who exercise freed of expression and journalism.
[3] Soto, G. (2015). "Mechanisms of protection for journalists: defeat in order to guarantee freedom of translation" [transl.] (“Los mecanismos de protección a periodistas: la derrota para garantizar la libertad de expresión”) in Artículo 19's blog in Animal Político.
Related texts:
- "The bad state of freedom of expression in Mexico: Why the government loses" [transl.] (El mal estado de la libertad de expresión en México: de por qué pierde el gobierno);
- "Freedom of the press in Mexico: Censureship from impunity" [transl.], (La libertad de prensa en México: censura desde la impunidad).